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They came for a lock of hair to break a curse.
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They left a murdered man and a burning farmhouse. But
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the flames went out before the evidence disappeared. What convinced
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three people that this neighborhood simply had to be stopped?
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What you are about to hear is believed to be real.
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Based on witness accounts, testimonies, and public record, this is
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Terrifying and True.
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Tonight, in York County, Pennsylvania, a farmhouse has survived a
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fire that was meant to conceal a killing. It's Thanksgiving week, 1928.
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Inside lies Nelson Riemeyer, a farmer and folk healer, whose
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name will become inseparable from a story about witchcraft. Three
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people have attacked him. They came looking for a book,
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and a lock of his hair. Believing these things could
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free them from a curse, one of them, John Blymeyer,
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had known Remyer long before that night. On an earlier visit,
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Remyer had given him and a young companion a place
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to sleep. In the morning, he made them breakfast. They
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came back with help. The trials would expose... A terrible crime.
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The headlines would turn it into a spectacle, and somewhere
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between the testimony and the legend, the man who died
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would become harder to see. What happened in Hex Hollow
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asks us to look beyond the scorched floor and the
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supposed spellbook into a world where healing prayers and accusations
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of harmful magic could become... dangerously confused. Tonight, we follow
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the evidence behind the legend and the family voices trying
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to bring Nelson Remyer back into focus. So make sure
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you're subscribed as we tell that story tonight. Thanksgiving Day
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fell on a Thursday, November 29th, 1928. Around noon, concern
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settled over a farm in North Hopewell Township, roughly 15
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miles from York. Nelson Remyer's animals had not been properly attended.
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Their noise carried far enough that neighbors went to investigate.
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Oran's trial reconstruction names neighbor David Vanover as the man
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who entered around noon. Some later accounts instead name Oscar Glatfelter.
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They agree on what drew attention to the property. The
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ordinary rhythm of the farm had ceased. Inside the house,
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the kitchen had been scorched. Riemeyer lay face down on
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the floor. His ankles bound, his body and clothing badly burned.
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The fire had gone out before consuming the house. The
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room still held the story the killers had tried so
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hard to erase. Investigators recorded pieces of a broken chair,
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an oil burner, a flashlight, a metal halter snap, burning
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bedding material, and lengths of rope. Some of that rope
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would be connected to a 25-foot clothesline bought in York
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only days earlier. Medical witnesses described bruising, cuts, and a
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compound fracture of the skull, severe enough that it might
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have caused death. They also documented extensive burning. What the
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accessible medical record does not establish is whether Riemeyer was alive.
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when the fire was lit. The later claim that he
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was burned alive goes beyond what the evidence can prove.
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Years later, Jeanette Harvey, who had known Nelson as a girl,
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remembered how the news reached her.
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The lady across the street, she said, did you know
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that Nelson Raymar was killed?
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Nothing supernatural had protected the farmhouse. The attempted arson simply failed.
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But that failure changed everything. The burned floor, the ropes,
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the shattered furniture, and the body remained available to investigators.
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Whoever had done this had not made a victim disappear.
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They had left a room full of evidence. and a
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trial leading backward through two visits, one printed book, and
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a belief that Nelson Riemeyer was responsible for hardships he
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had never been proven to cause. Before the headlines converted
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him into the Witch of Hex Hollow, Nelson D. Riemeyer
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was a 60-year-old farmer. Patrick Donmire's research describes a modest
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45-acre property where Riemeyer raised potatoes, corn, apples, and chickens
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with comparatively little livestock. He was married to Alice Riemeyer
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and had children, although he and his family were living separately.
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Later scholarly accounts connect that arrangement in part to the
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stream of people who came seeking his help. But the
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surviving record does not tell us enough to turn a
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private family arrangement into either scandal or sentiment. Riemeyer was
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known as an outspoken man. Historian Owen Davies identifies him
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as an active socialist, a position that could make a
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person conspicuous in rural York County. He was also associated
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with Pennsylvania Dutch folk healing. Neighbors knew he practiced what
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English speakers called how-wow. Some apparently regarded him as helpful.
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Others considered him peculiar. Neither reputation proves anything about a curse.
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The most important documented fact about his relationship with the
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men who killed him is painfully simple. When two of
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them arrived at his house on their first visit... He
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accepted them as guests, allowed them to stay overnight, and
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made them food in the morning. To understand why they came,
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we have to separate a living tradition from the lurid
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category imposed upon it after the murder. Pennsylvania Dutch Powwow
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is also called Brauw Keraai. Its roots are primarily European
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and Pennsylvania German. and its customary purposes were healing, blessing,
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and protection. Practitioners used Christian prayers, passages of scripture, gestures,
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spoken or silent formulas, household objects, and knowledge passed through
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families or teachers. A person might seek help for bleeding, burns, fever, pain,
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a sick animal, or the fear that some harmful influence
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had settled over a home. In Shane Free's documentary, Hex Hollow,
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one practitioner explains the tradition this way.
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Powwow is Pennsylvania German folk healing. In itself, it is
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a very simple thing. It's what one of my teachers
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called act of prayer. Some people will call it magic,
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folk magic, and to a certain extent it does fall
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into that realm, but there are many practitioners who shun
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the word entirely.
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The English word powwow creates some confusion. It was borrowed
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from an Algonquin language used dismissively by English colonists for
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ritual practices they didn't understand and later attached to Pennsylvania
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German healing. Brauchairi itself is not an indigenous ceremonial powwow.
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The shared English label does not make the traditions the same.
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Pennsylvania Dutch is also broader than Amish. It refers to
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a diverse Pennsylvania German cultural population that has included Lutheran, Reformed, Moravian, Mennonite, Brethren, Amish,
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and Catholic communities. Treating all Pennsylvania Dutch people as one
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secluded religious group repeats the simplification that helped distort this
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case in 1929. Within the tradition, Braukeirai, often referred to
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beneficial or protective work. Hexairai usually carried the darker meaning
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of harmful magic or the accusation that someone had caused
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illness or misfortune. The vocabulary was never perfectly uniform. A
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healer could be asked to counteract a supposed hex without
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claiming to practice any harmful magic. That distinction is central
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in this topic. Rehmeyer's association with healing did not make
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him a person who placed curses. There's no reliable evidence
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that he hexed John Blymeyer, the Hess family, or anyone else.
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The accusation came from people trying to give their own
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suffering a human source. Printed books could accompany an oral practice,
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and none became more famous in Pennsylvania than Johann Georg
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Hohmann's The Long Lost Friend. First published in the United
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States in 1820 and issued in English by the mid-19th century,
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it gathered remedies, prayers, protections, and folk procedures for people
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and animals. It was sold commercially and circulated widely It
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was not a unique handwritten manuscript belonging only to Riemeyer,
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and it was not a satanic field manual. One famous
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protection promised that whoever carried the book would be, quote,
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safe from all his enemies, visible or invisible. Other entries
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addressed bleeding, burns, illness, livestock, and daily hazards in language
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saturated with Christian belief. A modern historian may call The
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Long Lost Friend a grimoire, a handbook of procedures intended
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to influence events through supernatural means. That useful scholarly category
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does not erase the book's local function as a practical
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collection of blessings and remedies, nor does it mean every
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owner believed every promise within. For Riemeyer, the book appears
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to have belonged to his practice. For John Blymeyer, it
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became something else. An object that seemed to concentrate both
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Riemeyer's supposed power and the possibility of escape from it.
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John Blymeyer's surname appears as B-L-Y-M-Y-E-R instead of B-L-Y-M-I-R-E through
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much of the court era record. On the witness stand,
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he gave his age as 33, although some newspapers called
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him 32. He had grown up close to powwow practice.
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His father, Immanuel Blymeyer, was remembered as a healer. and
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John had attempted some practice himself. He therefore did not
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approach Riemeyer's world as a complete outsider. He knew the
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language of cures, hexes, and countermeasures well enough to make
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it the framework through which he interpreted his own life.
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That life contained genuine hardship. Blymeyer had recurring physical complaints-
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difficulty settling in to work, and periods of acute psychological distress.
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His family endured the deaths of two children, and his
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marriage to Lily Bell Alloway deteriorated. In 1923, his father-in-law
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arranged for him to be evaluated through the York County Almshouse,
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and Blymeier was later committed to the Harrisburg State Hospital.
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A period description used the diagnosis, quote, hypochondriacal melancholia. That
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is historical language, not a diagnosis we would be able
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to safely translate into a modern condition. It came from
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an era with different institutions, categories, and standards of care.
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Blymeier later escaped during a baseball game and returned to York.
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His marriage ended in divorce. Mental distress did not make
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murder inevitable, and it does not remove the choices that followed.
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Many people endure illness, grief, and psychiatric crisis without harming anyone.
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What shaped this case was Blymeier's developing explanation for his suffering. Restlessness,
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failed work, family loss, and physical discomfort ceased to be
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separate events, he increasingly treated them as evidence of a
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single hostile act. During his trial, he reduced that belief
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to three words, quote, I was bewitched. Blymeier consulted practitioners,
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including Andrew Lenhart and Sam Schmuck. According to the trial-era account,
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They reinforced his conviction that a hex existed, but did
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not name the person responsible. Blymeier kept searching for a
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face to place behind the idea. Riemeyer was not a
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stranger to him. Blymeier testified that Riemeyer had treated him
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about a year earlier, and that he had once slept
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at Riemeyer's home. Later retellings moved that treatment into Blymeier's
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The trial-era version is a safer one. A prior healer-patient
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relationship had become, in Blymeier's mind, a relationship between persecutor
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and victim. The final identification was attributed to a woman
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near Marietta, Pennsylvania, whose name is one of the case's
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persistent problems. Contemporary newspapers called her Emma Knopp. Modern scholars
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often call her Emma Knapp. A near-contemporary trial reconstruction calls
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her Mrs. Knoll. The familiar name Nellie Knoll belongs securely
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to later retellings, not to a single consistent court-era identity.
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Rather than pretending the sources agree, it's more accurate to
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call her the Marietta Practitioner, Blymeier consulted. Blymeier testified that
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she used a dollar bill in a simple visual procedure.
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He stared at the portrait. The bill was removed from
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his palm, and he interpreted the lingering afterimage as the
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face of Nelson Riemeier. That testimony tells us what Blymeier experienced.
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It doesn't independently establish what the woman intended for him
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to see. and it certainly does not establish that Riemeyer
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had done anything to him. It supplied the name Blymeyer
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had been seeking desperately. Her supposed prescription changes depending on
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the source. In some trial-era testimony, Blymeyer needed a lock
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of Riemeyer's hair or Riemeyer's copy of the long-lost friend.
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Clayton Hess remembered an instruction to bury the hair six
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or eight feet underground. Other reports say eight feet. Later
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versions combine every element into a ritual checklist. Steal both
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hair and book, burn one, bury both, or destroy the book,
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bury the hair, and be sure to get it at
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the exact depth. The record does not justify that precision.
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What remains consistent is that Blymeyer believed physical objects connected
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to Remyer could break the curse. He did not pursue
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those objects alone. John Curry was 14 years old and
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frequently in Blymeyer's company. Later historians have described him as
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Blymeyer's young sidekick or protege. Wilbert Granville Hess was 18.
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the son of a York County family suffering its own
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run of illness, crop trouble, livestock losses, and stolen chickens.
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The Hesses believed their farm had been hexed and turned
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to Blymeyer for help. Wilbert, therefore, entered the plan through
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a family fear that Blymeyer was already validating. Curry and
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Hess were young and susceptible to an older man's certainty,
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but neither was an object without agency. Each took part
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in decisions that became progressively more deliberate and On Sunday,
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November 25th, Blymeyer met with members of the Hess family
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and outlined the effort to obtain something from Riemeyer. The
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following day, Monday, November 26th, Blymeyer and Curry bought approximately
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25 feet of cotton clothesline in York. They cut it
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into useful lengths. Clayton Hess then drove them toward Riemeyer
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Hollow and let them out near the woods. The rope
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was already with them. Whatever language they used for curse-breaking,
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they were preparing to restrain a man. At about 7.45
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that evening, Blymeier and Curry visited Alice Riemeier for roughly
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half an hour, then crossed the fields to Nelson's house.
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Nelson knew them and admitted them. They said they were visiting,
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and the encounter lasted late enough that he allowed them
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to remain overnight. The two slept in the kitchen. In
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the morning, Riemeyer prepared breakfast. They left without attacking him,
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without cutting his hair, and without taking the book. Bleimeyer
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later explained that they considered Riemeyer too strong for the
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two of them. Hospitality had given them access. Their own
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calculation postponed the assault. That first visit is sometimes presented
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as harmless reconnaissance that only later became violent. The rope
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makes the truth less comfortable. The possibility of binding Riemeyer
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was already present, yet the men still had another chance
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to stop. after leaving his breakfast table. Instead, Blymeier sought
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additional strength. He brought 18-year-old Wilbert Hess into the return trip.
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On Tuesday, November 27th, Clayton Hess again drove them toward
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the hollow. The three completed the journey on foot. The
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reliable record establishes the rope, but it does not establish
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that they arrived carrying the collection of clubs, axes, or
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occult equipment, added by later storytellers. Riemeyer admitted them again.
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The Pennsylvania Supreme Court's later account says the evening was
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cold and that after letting the three into his kitchen,
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he turned to tend the fire. Blymeyer's own testimony said
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he asked for the long-lost friend. Other evidence led the
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appellate court to conclude that no effort was made to