June 15, 2026
Terrifying & True | Highway of Tears: Missing Women & Dark Canadian Lore
Highway 16 in northern British Columbia looks, at first glance, like any other remote road: mountains, forests, rivers, small towns, and long stretches of empty pavement. But for decades, this corridor became known by a much darker name — the Highway of Tears.
This episode of Terrifying & True investigates the real history behind one of Canada’s most devastating true crime cases: the disappearances and murders of women and girls along Highway 16 and nearby routes, many of them Indigenous. Officially, the RCMP’s Project E-PANA includes eighteen cases, but families, advocates, and Indigenous organizations have long argued that the true number may be higher.
We examine the victims, the isolated geography, the lack of safe transportation, the failures of policing and media attention, and the systemic conditions that allowed danger to persist for decades. This is not a story about one cursed road or one simple explanation. It is a story about grief, survival, ignored warnings, and families who refused to let their loved ones disappear from memory.
The Highway of Tears remains one of the most haunting examples of how true crime can expose something larger than a single mystery: a pattern of violence, silence, and systemic failure that continues to demand answers.
We’re telling that story tonight.
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👨💼 Executive Producers: Rob Fields, Bobbletopia.com
🎥 Produced by: Daniel Wilder
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WEBVTT
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A road through northern British Columbia became known not for
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where it led, but for who vanished along it. Women
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and girls disappeared, families searched for decades, and a country
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was forced to confront the terrifying truth behind the Highway
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of Tears.
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What you were about to be is burd to be
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based on witness accounts, testimonies and public record. This is
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terrifying and truth.
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It's a lonely road through the mountains of northern British Columbia.
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By day, Highway sixteen can seem beautiful. By night, it
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becomes something else, entirely, a ribbon of darkness between towns, forests,
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and long stretches where help may be miles away. For decades,
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women and girls vanished along this route. Some were found murdered,
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some were never found at all. Many were indigenous. Many
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had families who begged for answers while the world looked away.
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Was there one predator stalking the highway? Were there many?
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Or was the true danger larger than any single killer?
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Tonight we traveled the Highway of Tears, where the road
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is not haunted by legend, but by the very real
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names of those who never returned home. Highway sixteen doesn't
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look evil. It cuts through northern British Columbia in a
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long ribbon of asphalt, running between mountain walls, black spruce rivers,
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logging roads, small towns, and places where the night can
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feel so massive it swallows the headlight's whole. In daylight,
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it can be beautiful in the way remote places are
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blue distance, cold air, forest pressing close, the sense that
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civilization is only borrowing space from the wilderareness. But after dark,
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beauty changes shape. The road becomes emptier, the shoulders become narrower,
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the passing trucks become events. A gas station can be
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miles away, a house can be farther, a phone can
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be useless. And for many women and girls in the
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communities along this route, especially Indigenous women and girls, the
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highway was never just a road. It was how you
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got to school, to work, how you visited family, reached
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a doctor, how you left one town for another. When
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there was no car in the driveway, no bus coming soon,
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and no safe option except the dangerous one everybody already understood.
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So people hitchhiked. They stood beside the road with backpacks, purses, jackets,
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pulled tight against the weather, trusting that the next vehicle
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would take them where they needed to go. Some made it,
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others vanished, and yet still more were found later in ditches,
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gravel pits, wooded areas, and places known first to families,
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then to police, then to a country that took far
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too long to listen. The name Highway of Tears was
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born from grief. Families and advocates used it because there
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were too many mothers crying, too many sisters searching, too
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many daughters whose names became warn earnings along a route
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that should have been ordinary. Officially, the RCMP's Project e
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Pana came to include eighteen cases across a wider network
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of British Columbia highways, thirteen homicides and five disappearances, but
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families and indigenous organizations have long argued the true number
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is higher. The exact count depends on geography, criteria, and
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which deaths were included. The pain, however, does not, because
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the most frightening thing about the Highway of Tears is
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not the idea of one shadowy predator waiting in the dark.
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It's the possibility of many predators, many failures, many warnings,
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and a road where for decades too many women seem
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to disappear into the space between one town and the next.
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To understand the Highway of Tiers start with the road itself.
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Highway sixteen, also known as the Yellowhead Highway, stretches across
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northern British Columbia. The section most commonly associated with the
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Highway of Tiers runs roughly seven hundred twenty kilometers between
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Prince George and Prince Rupert, though police investigations eventually widened
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beyond that corridor to include other major routes, including parts
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of Highway ninety seven and Highway five. On a map,
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it looks simple, a line connecting communities in reach. It
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is distance, weather, poverty, isolation, and silence. Northern British Columbia
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is not built like a dense urban corridor where a
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mist bus means waiting ten minutes. Communities can be separated
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by long stretches of forest and mountain. Public transit was
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limited for years. Many people did not own vehicles. Cell
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service was incomplete, to say the least. Some communities had
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few local services, which meant travel was not optional. People
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traveled for work, medical appointments, school, court, groceries, family safety,
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and survival. That is one of the first misconceptions to correct.
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Hitchhiking along the Highway of Tears was not always a
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reckless adventure. For many people, it was transportation after other
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systems had failed. If you had no car, no money
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for a private ride, and no reliable bus, the highway
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became the only route through the problem. A thumb went out,
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a car slowed, a decision was made in a matter
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of seconds, and for women and girls, that decision could
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become fatal. The cases stretched back decades. In nineteen sixty nine,
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twenty six year old Gloria Moody, a First Nation's woman,
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was found dead after she was last seen in Williams Lake.
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In nineteen seventy four, Colleen McMillan disappeared while hitchhiking near Laclahatchie.
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Her murder would not be solved until decades later through DNA.
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In nineteen seventy eight, twelve year old Monica Jack vanished
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while riding her bike near merrit Her remains were found
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in nineteen ninety five. Many years later, Gary Handlin was
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convicted in her death. Those cases are important. Those cases
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show something important. The Highway of Tears is often spoken
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of as one mystery, but it's really not the case.
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It's a constellation of mysteries across years, towns, circumstances, and
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investigative outcomes. Some were murdered, some disappeared, Some or children,
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others were adult volt Many were hitchhiking, many were simply traveling.
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A few cases eventually saw convictions, and many did not.
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That is why the phrase can be both useful and dangerous.
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It gives a name to a pattern families had been
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screaming about for years, but a single name can make
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listeners imagine a single explanation one killer, one truck, one
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face in the window. The terror here is larger than that.
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A long isolated transportation corridor created opportunity again and again,
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and vulnerable women and girls were left to navigate it
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with too little protection. By the late nineteen eighties and
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nineteen nineties, the list of names had grown heavy. Alberta Williams,
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twenty four, disappeared in nineteen eighty nine after leaving a
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pub in Prince Rupert. Her body was found days later.
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Delphine Nicol only sixteen, vanished in nineteen ninety near Smithers.
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Ramona Wilson disappeared in nineteen ninety four after leaving Smithers
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for a gathering. Her remains were found the following year.
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Roxanne Tiara and Alicia Germain were also found murdered in
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nineteen ninety four. Lana Derrick nineteen, disappeared in nineteen ninety
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five after being seen at a gas station in Thornhill.
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Each name had a family. Each disappearance began with ordinary details,
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a plan, a ride, a night out, a place to go.
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That's what makes these stories so hard to bear. They
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don't begin like horror stories. They begin like errands, like visits,
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like teenage plans, like someone trying to get from point
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A to point B. Then the road seemingly takes over.
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For families, The first hours were confusion. Maybe she missed
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the ride, maybe she stayed with a friend. Maybe she'll
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call tomorrow. Then tomorrow becomes another day, another phone call,
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another search, another police report, another rumor from someone who
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thinks they saw something. The family starts driving the same roads,
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checking pullouts, ditches, trails, riverbanks, and logging roads. Every bend
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becomes a possibility, every piece of clothing becomes a reason
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to stop, and around them, the world keeps moving. Trucks
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still pass snow still falls, the river still runs, the
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forest closes around whatever it knows. There is no agreed
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upon victim count. The RCMP's Project EPANA officially includes those
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eighteen cases referenced, but Indigenous organizations, families, and advocates often
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use larger numbers because they include a wider geography, more years,
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and cases that don't fit the police task forces narrower criteria.
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The uncertainty it's is part of the story. Even counting
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the victims has been contested. By the early two thousands,
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the crisis was impossible to dismiss, but still too easy
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for outsiders to misunderstand. When Nicole Hoar, a twenty five
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year old white woman from Alberta, disappeared in two thousand
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and two while hitchhiking from Prince George towards Smithers, her
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case received significant media attention. Families of Indigenous victims noticed
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the difference. It was not that Nicole deserved less attention,
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She deserved every bit of it. The question was why
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so many Indigenous women and girls had not received the
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same urgency before. That question cuts through the entire high
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way of tears. Who gets searched for with publicity, Who
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gets believed quickly. Who becomes a national headline who becomes
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a whisper along the shoulder? In two thousand and five,
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Tamera Chipman, twenty two, was last seen hitchhiking near Prince Rupert.
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In two thousand and six, fourteen year old Iola Sarah
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Auger disappeared in Prince George. Her body was found near
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Highway sixteen. That same period brought mounting pressure from families
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and communities who had carried grief for years, while official
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answers remained painfully few. Finally, police attention consolidated into something larger.
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The Royal Canadian Mounted Police created Project Epana as mentioned before,
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to exist and whether a serial killer or multiple killers
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might be responsible for the murders and disappearances of women
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traveling along major highways in British Columbia. The task force
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first took on nine investigations in two thousand and six.
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In two thousand and seven, the number doubled to eighteen.
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But for many families, the creation of a task force
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did not feel like the beginning of justice. It felt
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like a late admission, a recognition that the road had
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been speaking for decades and too many people had refused
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to hear it Often in true crime, we look for
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the moment when the pattern becomes obvious. A map fills
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up with pins, a detective connects names, a reporter writes
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a phrase that sticks. The public finally sees what families
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had seen all along. But the Highway of Tears did
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not become visible all at once, only through vigils, memorial walks, posters,
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missing person notices, family pressure, indigenous organizing, local reporting, and
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the work of people who refused to let the road
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remain a place of private grief. The name itself is
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often traced to a nineteen ninety eight vigil in Terrace,
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where Florence Naziel used the phrase while thinking of the
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tears of families whose loved ones had vanished or been
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found murdered. It's an important distinction. The name did not
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come from a marketing campaign or a television show. It
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came from mourning. Families were not asking for legend, they
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were asking for attention. The two thousand and six Highway
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of Tears Symposium brought families, Indigenous leaders, community organizations, and
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advocates together to demand practical change. The recommendations were not vague.
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They called for better victim family support, improved transportation, safer
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emergency communication, prevention programs, community coordination, and more accountable policing.
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For years, signs along the highway warned that a killer
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was on the loose and told girls not to hitchhike.
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The signs were stark, memorable, and chilling, but to many families,
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they also carried an ugly implication. If you vanish after hitchhiking,
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you were warned that isn't the same as protection. Human
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Rights Watch later documented concerns from Indigenous women and girls
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in Northern British Columbia, including failures of police protection and
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allegations of abusive policing. The report, published in twenty thirteen,
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did not claim that every officer or every investigation was
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the same, but it did show why trust was broken.
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If people fear the institution that is supposed to protect them,
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they may hesitate to report danger, cooperate with investigations, or
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ask for help before a situation becomes life or death.
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That distrust did not appear from nowhere. It grew from history,
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colonial violence, residential schools, child welfare removals, poverty, and repeated
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experiences of Indigenous women being treated as less credible, less urgent,
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or less worthy of protection. This is where the highway
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of tiers becomes larger than any single crime scene. The
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road was dangerous because predators used it, but it was
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also dangerous because systems around the road left people exposed.
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Consider the simple act of waiting beside the road. A
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woman needs to get from one community to another. Maybe
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the trip is short by highway standards and impossible by foot.
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There is no car available, the bus isn't there, cell
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phone service may be poor or nonexistent. She accepts a
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ride inside the vehicle. The rules change. The driver controls
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the doors, the speed, the direction, the turnoff. A safe
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ride looks exactly like a dangerous one until it's too late.
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While that is cinematic terror, it's also practical terror. It's
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not a ghost story. It's the fear of being trapped
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inside someone else's moving vehicle while the forest slides past
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the windows, and the forest is enormous. The terrain along
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and around these highways can make searches brutal. There are
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logging roads, river systems, brush snow ravines, and remote pullouts.
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A body can be moved, evidence can be exposed to weather.
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Witnesses may be scarce. Memories fade, a vehicle description becomes uncertain,
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a timeline becomes thin, A rumor becomes the only thing
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a family has to follow. That uncertainty feeds the legend.
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People imagine a killer moving confidently through the dark, knowing
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exactly where to stop, where to turn, where no one
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will see. Maybe sometimes that was true, but what we
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know is more chilling because it's less simple. The cases
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are spread across years and places. Some have different suspects,
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Some have been solved or partly answered. Others remain open.
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There may not be one villain behind the curtain. There
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may be many ordinary looking suspects, many miss chances, many
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nights when danger passed through a community and left no
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name behind. Families had to live inside that possibility. They
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also had to fight the language used around their loved ones.
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Too often, missing and murdered Indigenous women were described through
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risk factors before they were described as people. A woman
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might be called a hitchhiker, a runaway, a sex worker, troubled, transient,
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or high risk, and the label could flatten her humanity.
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The memorial walks, vigils, websites, and public campaigns are not
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